March 4, 2003. - November 18, 2003.
Present: Marshall, C.J., Greaney, Ireland, Spina, Cowin, Sosman, &
Cordy, JJ.
License. Marriage. Statute, Construction. Constitutional Law, Police
power, Equal protection of laws. Due Process of Law, Marriage. Words,
"Marriage."
Civil action commenced in the Superior Court Department on April 11,
2001.
The case was heard by Thomas E. Connolly, J., on motions for summary
judgment.
The Supreme Judicial Court granted an application for direct appellate
review.
Mary Lisa Bonauto (Gary D. Buseck with her) for Hillary Goodridge.
Judith S. Yogman, Assistant Attorney General, for Department of Public
Health.
Joseph P.J. Vrabel, Mark D. Mason, & Martin W. Healy for Massachusetts
Bar Association.
Leslie Cooper & James D. Esseks, of New York, Jon W. Davidson &
Shannon Minter, of California, Elliot M. Mincberg & Judith E.
Schaeffer, of the District of Columbia, & John Reinstein, Sarah R.
Wunsch, Paul Holtzman, & Hugh Dun Rappaport for Urban League of
Eastern Massachusetts & others.
Paul Benjamin Linton, of Illinois, & Thomas M. Harvey for Robert J.
Araujo & others.
Dwight G. Duncan for Massachusetts Family Institute, Inc., & others.
Glen Lavy, of Arizona, Stephen W. Reed, of California, & Bertin C.
Emmons for National Association for Research and Therapy of
Homosexuality, Inc., & others.
Robert W. Ash & Vincent P. McCarthy, of Connecticut, & Philip E.
Cleary for The Common Good Foundation & others.
Don Stenberg, Attorney General of Nebraska, Mark L. Shurtleff,
Attorney General of Utah, Brent A. Burnett, Assistant Attorney General
of Utah, & Mark Barnett, Attorney General of South Dakota, for the
State of Utah & others.
Chester Darling & Michael Williams for Massachusetts Citizens Alliance
& another.
Daniel Avila for The Catholic Action League of Massachusetts.
Joshua K. Baker, of California, & Robert G. Caprera for José Martín de
Agar & others.
Wendy J. Herdlein, of California, & James R. Knudsen for the Honorable
Philip Travis & others.
Steven W. Fitschen, of Virginia, for The National Legal Foundation.
Jeffrey A. Shafer & David R. Langdon, of Ohio, William C. Duncan, of
Utah, & Wendy J. Herdlein, of California, for Marriage Law Project.
Lisa Rae, Kenneth Elmore, Arthur Berney, & Josephine Ross for The
Religious Coalition for the Freedom to Marry & others.
Ann DiMaria for The Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission & others.
Anthony Mirenda, Vickie L. Henry, Lucy Fowler, John M. Granberry,
Rachel N. Lessem, & Gabriel M. Helmer for Robert F. Williams & others.
Kenneth J. Parsigian for Peter W. Bardaglio & others. David Cruz, of
New York, John Taylor Williams, Carol V. Rose, Debra Squires-Lee,
Christopher Morrison, & Marni Goldstein Caputo for William E. Adams &
others.
Martin J. Newhouse & Katharine Bolland for Coalition gaie et lesbienne
du Québec & others.
Joseph Ureneck, pro se.
Teresa S. Collett, of Texas, & Luke Stanton for Free Market
Foundation.
Peter F. Zupcofska, L. Tracee Whitley, Heidi A. Nadel, & Corin R.
Swift for Boston Bar Association & another.
Mary Jo Johnson, Jonathan A. Shapiro, & Amy L. Nash for The
Massachusetts Psychiatric Society & others.
Tony R. Maida, Nina Joan Kimball, & Justine H. Brousseau for Libby
Adler & others.
Daryl J. Lapp, Kevin D. Batt, & Katharine Silbaugh for Monroe Inker &
another.
David Zwiebel, Mordechai Biser, & Nathan J. Diament, of New York, &
Abba Cohen, of the District of Columbia, for Agudath Israel of America
& others.
Top
MARSHALL, C.J.
Marriage is a vital social institution. The exclusive commitment of
two individuals to each other nurtures love and mutual support; it
brings stability to our society. For those who choose to marry, and
for their children, marriage provides an abundance of legal,
financial, and social benefits. In return it imposes weighty legal,
financial, and social obligations. The question before us is whether,
consistent with the Massachusetts Constitution, the Commonwealth may
deny the protections, benefits, and obligations conferred by civil
marriage to two individuals of the same sex who wish to marry. We
conclude that it may not. The Massachusetts Constitution affirms the
dignity and equality of all individuals. It forbids the creation of
second-class citizens. In reaching our conclusion we have given full
deference to the arguments made by the Commonwealth. But it has failed
to identify any constitutionally adequate reason for denying civil
marriage to same-sex couples.
We are mindful that our decision marks a change in the history of our
marriage law. Many people hold deep-seated religious, moral, and
ethical convictions that marriage should be limited to the union of
one man and one woman, and that homosexual conduct is immoral. Many
hold equally strong religious, moral, and ethical convictions that
same-sex couples are entitled to be married, and that homosexual
persons should be treated no differently than their heterosexual
neighbors. Neither view answers the question before us. Our concern is
with the Massachusetts Constitution as a charter of governance for
every person properly within its reach. "Our obligation is to define
the liberty of all, not to mandate our own moral code." Lawrence v.
Texas, 123 S.Ct. 2472, 2480 (2003) (Lawrence ), quoting Planned
Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833, 850 (1992).
Whether the Commonwealth may use its formidable regulatory authority
to bar same-sex couples from civil marriage is a question not
previously addressed by a Massachusetts appellate court. [FN3] It is a
question the United States Supreme Court left open as a matter of
Federal law in Lawrence, supra at 2484, where it was not an issue.
There, the Court affirmed that the core concept of common human
dignity protected by the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States
Constitution precludes government intrusion into the deeply personal
realms of consensual adult expressions of intimacy and one's choice of
an intimate partner. The Court also reaffirmed the central role that
decisions whether to marry or have children bear in shaping one's
identity. Id. at 2481. The Massachusetts Constitution is, if anything,
more protective of individual liberty and equality than the Federal
Constitution; it may demand broader protection for fundamental rights;
and it is less tolerant of government intrusion into the protected
spheres of private life.
Barred access to the protections, benefits, and obligations of civil
marriage, a person who enters into an intimate, exclusive union with
another of the same sex is arbitrarily deprived of membership in one
of our community's most rewarding and cherished institutions. That
exclusion is incompatible with the constitutional principles of
respect for individual autonomy and equality under law.
I
The plaintiffs are fourteen individuals from five Massachusetts
counties. As of April 11, 2001, the date they filed their complaint,
the plaintiffs Gloria Bailey, sixty years old, and Linda Davies,
fifty-five years old, had been in a committed relationship for thirty
years; the plaintiffs Maureen Brodoff, forty-nine years old, and Ellen
Wade, fifty-two years old, had been in a committed relationship for
twenty years and lived with their twelve year old daughter; the
plaintiffs Hillary Goodridge, forty-four years old, and Julie
Goodridge, forty-three years old, had been in a committed relationship
for thirteen years and lived with their five year old daughter; the
plaintiffs Gary Chalmers, thirty-five years old, and Richard Linnell,
thirty-seven years old, had been in a committed relationship for
thirteen years and lived with their eight year old daughter and
Richard's mother; the plaintiffs Heidi Norton, thirty-six years old,
and Gina Smith, thirty-six years old, had been in a committed
relationship for eleven years and lived with their two sons, ages five
years and one year; the plaintiffs Michael Horgan, forty-one years
old, and David Balmelli, forty-one years old, had been in a committed
relationship for seven years; and the plaintiffs David Wilson, fifty-
seven years old, and Robert Compton, fifty-one years old, had been in
a committed relationship for four years and had cared for David's
mother in their home after a serious illness until she died.
The plaintiffs include business executives, lawyers, an investment
banker, educators, therapists, and a computer engineer. Many are
active in church, community, and school groups. They have employed
such legal means as are available to them--for example, joint
adoption, powers of attorney, and joint ownership of real property--to
secure aspects of their relationships. Each plaintiff attests a desire
to marry his or her partner in order to affirm publicly their
commitment to each other and to secure the legal protections and
benefits afforded to married couples and their children.
The Department of Public Health (department) is charged by statute
with safeguarding public health. See G.L. c. 17. Among its
responsibilities, the department oversees the registry of vital
records and statistics (registry), which "enforce[s] all laws"
relative to the issuance of marriage licenses and the keeping of
marriage records, see G.L. c. 17, § 4, and which promulgates policies
and procedures for the issuance of marriage licenses by city and town
clerks and registers. See, e.g., G.L. c. 207, §§ 20, 28A, and 37. The
registry is headed by a registrar of vital records and statistics
(registrar), appointed by the Commissioner of Public Health
(commissioner) with the approval of the public health council and
supervised by the commissioner. See G.L. c. 17, § 4.
In March and April, 2001, each of the plaintiff couples attempted to
obtain a marriage license from a city or town clerk's office. As
required under G.L. c. 207, they completed notices of intention to
marry on forms provided by the registry, see G.L. c. 207, § 20, and
presented these forms to a Massachusetts town or city clerk, together
with the required health forms and marriage license fees. See G.L. c.
207, § 19. In each case, the clerk either refused to accept the notice
of intention to marry or denied a marriage license to the couple on
the ground that Massachusetts does not recognize same- sex marriage.
[FN4], [FN5] Because obtaining a marriage license is a necessary
prerequisite to civil marriage in Massachusetts, denying marriage
licenses to the plaintiffs was tantamount to denying them access to
civil marriage itself, with its appurtenant social and legal
protections, benefits, and obligations. [FN6]
On April 11, 2001, the plaintiffs filed suit in the Superior Court
against the department and the commissioner seeking a judgment that
"the exclusion of the [p]laintiff couples and other qualified same-sex
couples from access to marriage licenses, and the legal and social
status of civil marriage, as well as the protections, benefits and
obligations of marriage, violates Massachusetts law." See G.L. c.
231A. The plaintiffs alleged violation of the laws of the
Commonwealth, including but not limited to their rights under arts. 1,
6, 7, 10, 12, and 16, and Part II, c. 1, § 1, art. 4, of the
Massachusetts Constitution. [FN7], [FN8]
The department, represented by the Attorney General, admitted to a
policy and practice of denying marriage licenses to same-sex couples.
It denied that its actions violated any law or that the plaintiffs
were entitled to relief. The parties filed cross motions for summary
judgment.
A Superior Court judge ruled for the department. In a memorandum of
decision and order dated May 7, 2002, he dismissed the plaintiffs'
claim that the marriage statutes should be construed to permit
marriage between persons of the same sex, holding that the plain
wording of G.L. c. 207, as well as the wording of other marriage
statutes, precluded that interpretation. Turning to the constitutional
claims, he held that the marriage exclusion does not offend the
liberty, freedom, equality, or due process provisions of the
Massachusetts Constitution, and that the Massachusetts Declaration of
Rights does not guarantee "the fundamental right to marry a person of
the same sex." He concluded that prohibiting same-sex marriage
rationally furthers the Legislature's legitimate interest in
safeguarding the "primary purpose" of marriage, "procreation." The
Legislature may rationally limit marriage to opposite-sex couples, he
concluded, because those couples are "theoretically ... capable of
procreation," they do not rely on "inherently more cumbersome"
noncoital means of reproduction, and they are more likely than same-
sex couples to have children, or more children.
After the complaint was dismissed and summary judgment entered for the
defendants, the plaintiffs appealed. Both parties requested direct
appellate review, which we granted.
II
Although the plaintiffs refer in passing to "the marriage statutes,"
they focus, quite properly, on G.L. c. 207, the marriage licensing
statute, which controls entry into civil marriage. As a preliminary
matter, we summarize the provisions of that law.
General Laws c. 207 is both a gatekeeping and a public records
statute. It sets minimum qualifications for obtaining a marriage
license and directs city and town clerks, the registrar, and the
department to keep and maintain certain "vital records" of civil
marriages. The gatekeeping provisions of G.L. c. 207 are minimal. They
forbid marriage of individuals within certain degrees of
consanguinity, §§ 1 and 2, and polygamous marriages. See G.L. c. 207,
§ 4. See also G.L. c. 207, § 8 (marriages solemnized in violation of
§§ 1, 2, and 4, are void ab initio). They prohibit marriage if one of
the parties has communicable syphilis, see G.L. c. 207, § 28A, and
restrict the circumstances in which a person under eighteen years of
age may marry. See G.L. c. 207, §§ 7, 25, and 27. The statute requires
that civil marriage be solemnized only by those so authorized. See
G.L. c. 207, §§ 38-40.
The record-keeping provisions of G.L. c. 207 are more extensive.
Marriage applicants file standard information forms and a medical
certificate in any Massachusetts city or town clerk's office and
tender a filing fee. G.L. c. 207, §§ 19-20, 28A. The clerk issues the
marriage license, and when the marriage is solemnized, the individual
authorized to solemnize the marriage adds additional information to
the form and returns it (or a copy) to the clerk's office. G.L. c.
207, §§ 28, 30, 38-40 (this completed form is commonly known as the
"marriage certificate"). The clerk sends a copy of the information to
the registrar, and that information becomes a public record. See G.L.
c. 17, § 4; G.L. c. 66, § 10. [FN9], [FN10]
In short, for all the joy and solemnity that normally attend a
marriage, G.L. c. 207, governing entrance to marriage, is a licensing
law. The plaintiffs argue that because nothing in that licensing law
specifically prohibits marriages between persons of the same sex, we
may interpret the statute to permit "qualified same sex couples" to
obtain marriage licenses, thereby avoiding the question whether the
law is constitutional. See School Comm. of Greenfield v. Greenfield
Educ. Ass'n, 385 Mass. 70, 79 (1982), and cases cited. This claim
lacks merit.
We interpret statutes to carry out the Legislature's intent,
determined by the words of a statute interpreted according to "the
ordinary and approved usage of the language." Hanlon v. Rollins, 286
Mass. 444, 447 (1934). The everyday meaning of "marriage" is "[t]he
legal union of a man and woman as husband and wife," Black's Law
Dictionary 986 (7th ed.1999), and the plaintiffs do not argue that the
term "marriage" has ever had a different meaning under Massachusetts
law. See, e.g., Milford v. Worcester, 7 Mass. 48, 52 (1810) (marriage
"is an engagement, by which a single man and a single woman, of
sufficient discretion, take each other for husband and wife"). This
definition of marriage, as both the department and the Superior Court
judge point out, derives from the common law. See Commonwealth v.
Knowlton, 2 Mass. 530, 535 (1807) (Massachusetts common law derives
from English common law except as otherwise altered by Massachusetts
statutes and Constitution). See also Commonwealth v. Lane, 113 Mass.
458, 462-463 (1873) ("when the statutes are silent, questions of the
validity of marriages are to be determined by the jus gentium, the
common law of nations"); C.P. Kindregan, Jr., & M.L. Inker, Family Law
and Practice § 1.2 (3d ed.2002). Far from being ambiguous, the
undefined word "marriage," as used in G.L. c. 207, confirms the
General Court's intent to hew to the term's common-law and quotidian
meaning concerning the genders of the marriage partners.
The intended scope of G.L. c. 207 is also evident in its consanguinity
provisions. See Chandler v. County Comm'rs of Nantucket County, 437
Mass. 430, 435 (2002) (statute's various provisions may offer insight
into legislative intent). Sections 1 and 2 of G.L. c. 207 prohibit
marriages between a man and certain female relatives and a woman and
certain male relatives, but are silent as to the consanguinity of
male-male or female-female marriage applicants. See G.L. c. 207, §§ 1-
2. The only reasonable explanation is that the Legislature did not
intend that same-sex couples be licensed to marry. We conclude, as did
the judge, that G.L. c. 207 may not be construed to permit same-sex
couples to marry. [FN11]
III
A
The larger question is whether, as the department claims, government
action that bars same-sex couples from civil marriage constitutes a
legitimate exercise of the State's authority to regulate conduct, or
whether, as the plaintiffs claim, this categorical marriage exclusion
violates the Massachusetts Constitution. We have recognized the long-
standing statutory understanding, derived from the common law, that
"marriage" means the lawful union of a woman and a man. But that
history cannot and does not foreclose the constitutional question.
The plaintiffs' claim that the marriage restriction violates the
Massachusetts Constitution can be analyzed in two ways. Does it offend
the Constitution's guarantees of equality before the law? Or do the
liberty and due process provisions of the Massachusetts Constitution
secure the plaintiffs' right to marry their chosen partner? In matters
implicating marriage, family life, and the upbringing of children, the
two constitutional concepts frequently overlap, as they do here. See,
e.g., M.L.B. v. S.L.J., 519 U.S. 102, 120 (1996) (noting convergence
of due process and equal protection principles in cases concerning
parent-child relationships); Perez v. Sharp, 32 Cal.2d 711, 728 (1948)
(analyzing statutory ban on interracial marriage as equal protection
violation concerning regulation of fundamental right). See also
Lawrence, supra at 2482 ("Equality of treatment and the due process
right to demand respect for conduct protected by the substantive
guarantee of liberty are linked in important respects, and a decision
on the latter point advances both interests"); Bolling v. Sharpe, 347
U.S. 497 (1954) (racial segregation in District of Columbia public
schools violates the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment to the
United States Constitution), decided the same day as Brown v. Board of
Educ. of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) (holding that segregation of
public schools in the States violates the equal protection clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment). Much of what we say concerning one standard
applies to the other.
We begin by considering the nature of civil marriage itself. Simply
put, the government creates civil marriage. In Massachusetts, civil
marriage is, and since pre-Colonial days has been, precisely what its
name implies: a wholly secular institution. See Commonwealth v.
Munson, 127 Mass. 459, 460-466 (1879) (noting that "[i]n
Massachusetts, from very early times, the requisites of a valid
marriage have been regulated by statutes of the Colony, Province, and
Commonwealth," and surveying marriage statutes from 1639 through
1834). No religious ceremony has ever been required to validate a
Massachusetts marriage. Id.
In a real sense, there are three partners to every civil marriage: two
willing spouses and an approving State. See DeMatteo v. DeMatteo, 436
Mass. 18, 31 (2002) ("Marriage is not a mere contract between two
parties but a legal status from which certain rights and obligations
arise"); Smith v. Smith, 171 Mass. 404, 409 (1898) (on marriage, the
parties "assume[ ] new relations to each other and to the State"). See
also French v. McAnarney, 290 Mass. 544, 546 (1935). While only the
parties can mutually assent to marriage, the terms of the marriage--
who may marry and what obligations, benefits, and liabilities attach
to civil marriage--are set by the Commonwealth. Conversely, while only
the parties can agree to end the marriage (absent the death of one of
them or a marriage void ab initio), the Commonwealth defines the exit
terms. See G.L. c. 208.
Civil marriage is created and regulated through exercise of the police
power. See Commonwealth v. Stowell, 389 Mass. 171, 175 (1983)
(regulation of marriage is properly within the scope of the police
power). "Police power" (now more commonly termed the State's
regulatory authority) is an old-fashioned term for the Commonwealth's
lawmaking authority, as bounded by the liberty and equality guarantees
of the Massachusetts Constitution and its express delegation of power
from the people to their government. In broad terms, it is the
Legislature's power to enact rules to regulate conduct, to the extent
that such laws are "necessary to secure the health, safety, good
order, comfort, or general welfare of the community" (citations
omitted). Opinion of the Justices, 341 Mass. 760, 785 (1960). [FN12]
See Commonwealth v. Alger, 7 Cush. 53, 85 (1851).
Without question, civil marriage enhances the "welfare of the
community." It is a "social institution of the highest importance."
French v. McAnarney, supra. Civil marriage anchors an ordered society
by encouraging stable relationships over transient ones. It is central
to the way the Commonwealth identifies individuals, provides for the
orderly distribution of property, ensures that children and adults are
cared for and supported whenever possible from private rather than
public funds, and tracks important epidemiological and demographic
data.
Marriage also bestows enormous private and social advantages on those
who choose to marry. Civil marriage is at once a deeply personal
commitment to another human being and a highly public celebration of
the ideals of mutuality, companionship, intimacy, fidelity, and
family. "It is an association that promotes a way of life, not causes;
a harmony in living, not political faiths; a bilateral loyalty, not
commercial or social projects." Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479,
486 (1965). Because it fulfils yearnings for security, safe haven, and
connection that express our common humanity, civil marriage is an
esteemed institution, and the decision whether and whom to marry is
among life's momentous acts of self-definition.
Tangible as well as intangible benefits flow from marriage. The
marriage license grants valuable property rights to those who meet the
entry requirements, and who agree to what might otherwise be a
burdensome degree of government regulation of their activities. [FN13]
See Leduc v. Commonwealth, 421 Mass. 433, 435 (1995), cert. denied,
519 U.S. 827 (1996) ( "The historical aim of licensure generally is
preservation of public health, safety, and welfare by extending the
public trust only to those with proven qualifications"). The
Legislature has conferred on "each party [in a civil marriage]
substantial rights concerning the assets of the other which unmarried
cohabitants do not have." Wilcox v. Trautz, 427 Mass. 326, 334 (1998).
See Collins v. Guggenheim, 417 Mass. 615, 618 (1994) (rejecting claim
for equitable distribution of property where plaintiff cohabited with
but did not marry defendant); Feliciano v. Rosemar Silver Co., 401
Mass. 141, 142 (1987) (government interest in promoting marriage would
be "subverted" by recognition of "a right to recover for loss of
consortium by a person who has not accepted the correlative
responsibilities of marriage"); Davis v. Misiano, 373 Mass. 261, 263
(1977) (unmarried partners not entitled to rights of separate support
or alimony). See generally Attorney Gen. v. Desilets, 418 Mass. 316,
327-328 & nn. 10, 11 (1994).
The benefits accessible only by way of a marriage license are
enormous, touching nearly every aspect of life and death. The
department states that "hundreds of statutes" are related to marriage
and to marital benefits. With no attempt to be comprehensive, we note
that some of the statutory benefits conferred by the Legislature on
those who enter into civil marriage include, as to property: joint
Massachusetts income tax filing (G.L. c. 62C, § 6); tenancy by the
entirety (a form of ownership that provides certain protections
against creditors and allows for the automatic descent of property to
the surviving spouse without probate) (G.L. c. 184, § 7); extension of
the benefit of the homestead protection (securing up to $300,000 in
equity from creditors) to one's spouse and children (G.L. c. 188, §
1); automatic rights to inherit the property of a deceased spouse who
does not leave a will (G.L. c. 190, § 1); the rights of elective share
and of dower (which allow surviving spouses certain property rights
where the decedent spouse has not made adequate provision for the
survivor in a will) (G.L. c. 191, § 15, and G.L. c. 189); entitlement
to wages owed to a deceased employee (G.L. c. 149, § 178A [general]
and G.L. c. 149, § 178C [public employees] ); eligibility to continue
certain businesses of a deceased spouse (e.g., G.L. c. 112, § 53
[dentist] ); the right to share the medical policy of one's spouse
(e.g., G.L. c. 175, § 108, Second [a ] [3] [defining an insured's
"dependent" to include one's spouse), see Connors v. Boston, 430 Mass.
31, 43 (1999) [domestic partners of city employees not included within
the term "dependent" as used in G.L. c. 32B, § 2] ); thirty-nine week
continuation of health coverage for the spouse of a person who is laid
off or dies (e.g., G.L. c. 175, § 110G); preferential options under
the Commonwealth's pension system (see G.L. c. 32, § 12[2] ["Joint and
Last Survivor Allowance"] ); preferential benefits in the
Commonwealth's medical program, MassHealth (e.g., 130 Code Mass. Regs.
§ 515.012[A] prohibiting placing a lien on long-term care patient's
former home if spouse still lives there); access to veterans' spousal
benefits and preferences (e.g., G.L. c. 115, § 1 [defining
"dependents"] and G.L. c. 31, § 26 [State employment] and § 28
[municipal employees] ); financial protections for spouses of certain
Commonwealth employees (fire fighters, police officers, prosecutors,
among others) killed in the performance of duty (e.g., G.L. c. 32, §§
100-103); the equitable division of marital property on divorce (G.L.
c. 208, § 34); temporary and permanent alimony rights (G.L. c. 208, §§
17 and 34); the right to separate support on separation of the parties
that does not result in divorce (G.L. c. 209, § 32); and the right to
bring claims for wrongful death and loss of consortium, and for
funeral and burial expenses and punitive damages resulting from tort
actions (G.L. c. 229, §§ 1 and 2; G.L. c. 228, § 1. See Feliciano v.
Rosemar Silver Co., supra ).
Exclusive marital benefits that are not directly tied to property
rights include the presumptions of legitimacy and parentage of
children born to a married couple (G.L. c. 209C, § 6, and G.L. c. 46,
§ 4B); and evidentiary rights, such as the prohibition against spouses
testifying against one another about their private conversations,
applicable in both civil and criminal cases (G.L. c. 233, § 20). Other
statutory benefits of a personal nature available only to married
individuals include qualification for bereavement or medical leave to
care for individuals related by blood or marriage (G.L. c. 149, §
52D); an automatic "family member" preference to make medical
decisions for an incompetent or disabled spouse who does not have a
contrary health care proxy, see Shine v. Vega, 429 Mass. 456, 466
(1999); the application of predictable rules of child custody,
visitation, support, and removal out-of-State when married parents
divorce (e.g., G.L. c. 208, § 19 [temporary custody], § 20 [temporary
support], § 28 [custody and support on judgment of divorce], § 30
[removal from Commonwealth], and § 31 [shared custody plan]; priority
rights to administer the estate of a deceased spouse who dies without
a will, and requirement that surviving spouse must consent to the
appointment of any other person as administrator (G.L. c. 38, § 13
[disposition of body], and G.L. c. 113, § 8 [anatomical gifts] ); and
the right to interment in the lot or tomb owned by one's deceased
spouse (G.L. c. 114, §§ 29-33).
Where a married couple has children, their children are also directly
or indirectly, but no less auspiciously, the recipients of the special
legal and economic protections obtained by civil marriage.
Notwithstanding the Commonwealth's strong public policy to abolish
legal distinctions between marital and nonmarital children in
providing for the support and care of minors, see Department of
Revenue v. Mason M., 439 Mass. 665 (2003); Woodward v. Commissioner of
Social Sec., 435 Mass. 536, 546 (2002), the fact remains that marital
children reap a measure of family stability and economic security
based on their parents' legally privileged status that is largely
inaccessible, or not as readily accessible, to nonmarital children.
Some of these benefits are social, such as the enhanced approval that
still attends the status of being a marital child. Others are
material, such as the greater ease of access to family-based State and
Federal benefits that attend the presumptions of one's parentage.
It is undoubtedly for these concrete reasons, as well as for its
intimately personal significance, that civil marriage has long been
termed a "civil right." See, e.g., Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 12
(1967) ("Marriage is one of the 'basic civil rights of man,'
fundamental to our very existence and survival"), quoting Skinner v.
Oklahoma, 316 U.S. 535, 541 (1942); Milford v. Worcester, 7 Mass. 48,
56 (1810) (referring to "civil rights incident to marriages"). See
also Baehr v. Lewin, 74 Haw. 530, 561 (1993) (identifying marriage as
a "civil right[ ]"); Baker v. State, 170 Vt. 194, 242 (1999) (Johnson,
J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (same). The United
States Supreme Court has described the right to marry as "of
fundamental importance for all individuals" and as "part of the
fundamental 'right of privacy' implicit in the Fourteenth Amendment's
Due Process Clause." Zablocki v. Redhail, 434 U.S. 374, 384 (1978).
See Loving v. Virginia, supra ("The freedom to marry has long been
recognized as one of the vital personal rights essential to the
orderly pursuit of happiness by free men"). [FN14]
Without the right to marry--or more properly, the right to choose to
marry--one is excluded from the full range of human experience and
denied full protection of the laws for one's "avowed commitment to an
intimate and lasting human relationship." Baker v. State, supra at
229. Because civil marriage is central to the lives of individuals and
the welfare of the community, our laws assiduously protect the
individual's right to marry against undue government incursion. Laws
may not "interfere directly and substantially with the right to
marry." Zablocki v. Redhail, supra at 387. See Perez v. Sharp, 32
Cal.2d 711, 714 (1948) ("There can be no prohibition of marriage
except for an important social objective and reasonable means").
[FN15]
Unquestionably, the regulatory power of the Commonwealth over civil
marriage is broad, as is the Commonwealth's discretion to award public
benefits. See Commonwealth v. Stowell, 389 Mass. 171, 175 (1983)
(marriage); Moe v. Secretary of Admin. & Fin., 382 Mass. 629, 652
(1981) (Medicaid benefits). Individuals who have the choice to marry
each other and nevertheless choose not to may properly be denied the
legal benefits of marriage. See Wilcox v. Trautz, 427 Mass. 326, 334
(1998); Collins v. Guggenheim, 417 Mass. 615, 618 (1994); Feliciano v.
Rosemar Silver Co., 401 Mass. 141, 142 (1987). But that same logic
cannot hold for a qualified individual who would marry if she or he
only could.
B
For decades, indeed centuries, in much of this country (including
Massachusetts) no lawful marriage was possible between white and black
Americans. That long history availed not when the Supreme Court of
California held in 1948 that a legislative prohibition against
interracial marriage violated the due process and equality guarantees
of the Fourteenth Amendment, Perez v. Sharp, 32 Cal.2d 711, 728
(1948), or when, nineteen years later, the United States Supreme Court
also held that a statutory bar to interracial marriage violated the
Fourteenth Amendment, Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967). [FN16] As
both Perez and Loving make clear, the right to marry means little if
it does not include the right to marry the person of one's choice,
subject to appropriate government restrictions in the interests of
public health, safety, and welfare. See Perez v. Sharp, supra at 717
("the essence of the right to marry is freedom to join in marriage
with the person of one's choice"). See also Loving v. Virginia, supra
at 12. In this case, as in Perez and Loving, a statute deprives
individuals of access to an institution of fundamental legal,
personal, and social significance--the institution of marriage--
because of a single trait: skin color in Perez and Loving, sexual
orientation here. As it did in Perez and Loving, history must yield to
a more fully developed understanding of the invidious quality of the
discrimination. [FN17]
The Massachusetts Constitution protects matters of personal liberty
against government incursion as zealously, and often more so, than
does the Federal Constitution, even where both Constitutions employ
essentially the same language. See Planned Parenthood League of Mass.,
Inc. v. Attorney Gen., 424 Mass. 586, 590 (1997); Corning Glass Works
v. Ann & Hope, Inc. of Danvers, 363 Mass. 409, 416 (1973). That the
Massachusetts Constitution is in some instances more protective of
individual liberty interests than is the Federal Constitution is not
surprising. Fundamental to the vigor of our Federal system of
government is that "state courts are absolutely free to interpret
state constitutional provisions to accord greater protection to
individual rights than do similar provisions of the United States
Constitution." Arizona v. Evans, 514 U.S. 1, 8 (1995). [FN18]
The individual liberty and equality safeguards of the Massachusetts
Constitution protect both "freedom from" unwarranted government
intrusion into protected spheres of life and "freedom to" partake in
benefits created by the State for the common good. See Bachrach v.
Secretary of the Commonwealth, 382 Mass. 268, 273 (1981); Dalli v.
Board of Educ., 358 Mass. 753, 759 (1971). Both freedoms are involved
here. Whether and whom to marry, how to express sexual intimacy, and
whether and how to establish a family--these are among the most basic
of every individual's liberty and due process rights. See, e.g.,
Lawrence, supra at 2481; Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v.
Casey, 505 U.S. 833, 851 (1992); Zablocki v. Redhail, 434 U.S. 374,
384 (1978); Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113, 152-153 (1973); Eisenstadt v.
Baird, 405 U.S. 438, 453 (1972); Loving v. Virginia, supra. And
central to personal freedom and security is the assurance that the
laws will apply equally to persons in similar situations. "Absolute
equality before the law is a fundamental principle of our own
Constitution." Opinion of the Justices, 211 Mass. 618, 619 (1912). The
liberty interest in choosing whether and whom to marry would be hollow
if the Commonwealth could, without sufficient justification, foreclose
an individual from freely choosing the person with whom to share an
exclusive commitment in the unique institution of civil marriage.
The Massachusetts Constitution requires, at a minimum, that the
exercise of the State's regulatory authority not be "arbitrary or
capricious." Commonwealth v. Henry's Drywall Co., 366 Mass. 539, 542
(1974). [FN19] Under both the equality and liberty guarantees,
regulatory authority must, at very least, serve "a legitimate purpose
in a rational way"; a statute must "bear a reasonable relation to a
permissible legislative objective." Rushworth v. Registrar of Motor
Vehicles, 413 Mass. 265, 270 (1992). See, e.g., Massachusetts Fed'n of
Teachers v. Board of Educ., 436 Mass. 763, 778 (2002) (equal
protection); Coffee-Rich, Inc. v. Commissioner of Pub. Health, 348
Mass. 414, 422 (1965) (due process). Any law failing to satisfy the
basic standards of rationality is void.
The plaintiffs challenge the marriage statute on both equal protection
and due process grounds. With respect to each such claim, we must
first determine the appropriate standard of review. Where a statute
implicates a fundamental right or uses a suspect classification, we
employ "strict judicial scrutiny." Lowell v. Kowalski, 380 Mass. 663,
666 (1980). For all other statutes, we employ the " 'rational basis'
test." English v. New England Med. Ctr., 405 Mass. 423, 428 (1989).
For due process claims, rational basis analysis requires that statutes
"bear[ ] a real and substantial relation to the public health, safety,
morals, or some other phase of the general welfare." Coffee-Rich, Inc.
v. Commissioner of Pub. Health, supra, quoting Sperry & Hutchinson Co.
v. Director of the Div. on the Necessaries of Life, 307 Mass. 408, 418
(1940). For equal protection challenges, the rational basis test
requires that "an impartial lawmaker could logically believe that the
classification would serve a legitimate public purpose that transcends
the harm to the members of the disadvantaged class." English v. New
England Med. Ctr., supra at 429, quoting Cleburne v. Cleburne Living
Ctr., Inc., 473 U.S. 432, 452 (1985) (Stevens, J., concurring). [FN20]
The department argues that no fundamental right or "suspect" class is
at issue here, [FN21] and rational basis is the appropriate standard
of review. For the reasons we explain below, we conclude that the
marriage ban does not meet the rational basis test for either due
process or equal protection. Because the statute does not survive
rational basis review, we do not consider the plaintiffs' arguments
that this case merits strict judicial scrutiny.
The department posits three legislative rationales for prohibiting
same-sex couples from marrying: (1) providing a "favorable setting for
procreation"; (2) ensuring the optimal setting for child rearing,
which the department defines as "a two-parent family with one parent
of each sex"; and (3) preserving scarce State and private financial
resources. We consider each in turn.
The judge in the Superior Court endorsed the first rationale, holding
that "the state's interest in regulating marriage is based on the
traditional concept that marriage's primary purpose is procreation."
This is incorrect. Our laws of civil marriage do not privilege
procreative heterosexual intercourse between married people above
every other form of adult intimacy and every other means of creating a
family. General Laws c. 207 contains no requirement that the
applicants for a marriage license attest to their ability or intention
to conceive children by coitus. Fertility is not a condition of
marriage, nor is it grounds for divorce. People who have never
consummated their marriage, and never plan to, may be and stay
married. See Franklin v. Franklin, 154 Mass. 515, 516 (1891) ("The
consummation of a marriage by coition is not necessary to its
validity"). [FN22] People who cannot stir from their deathbed may
marry. See G.L. c. 207, § 28A. While it is certainly true that many,
perhaps most, married couples have children together (assisted or
unassisted), it is the exclusive and permanent commitment of the
marriage partners to one another, not the begetting of children, that
is the sine qua non of civil marriage. [FN23]
Moreover, the Commonwealth affirmatively facilitates bringing children
into a family regardless of whether the intended parent is married or
unmarried, whether the child is adopted or born into a family, whether
assistive technology was used to conceive the child, and whether the
parent or her partner is heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual. [FN24]
If procreation were a necessary component of civil marriage, our
statutes would draw a tighter circle around the permissible bounds of
nonmarital child bearing and the creation of families by noncoital
means. The attempt to isolate procreation as "the source of a
fundamental right to marry," post at (Cordy, J., dissenting),
overlooks the integrated way in which courts have examined the complex
and overlapping realms of personal autonomy, marriage, family life,
and child rearing. Our jurisprudence recognizes that, in these nuanced
and fundamentally private areas of life, such a narrow focus is
inappropriate.
The "marriage is procreation" argument singles out the one
unbridgeable difference between same-sex and opposite-sex couples, and
transforms that difference into the essence of legal marriage. Like
"Amendment 2" to the Constitution of Colorado, which effectively
denied homosexual persons equality under the law and full access to
the political process, the marriage restriction impermissibly
"identifies persons by a single trait and then denies them protection
across the board." Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620, 633 (1996). In so
doing, the State's action confers an official stamp of approval on the
destructive stereotype that same-sex relationships are inherently
unstable and inferior to opposite-sex relationships and are not worthy
of respect. [FN25]
The department's first stated rationale, equating marriage with
unassisted heterosexual procreation, shades imperceptibly into its
second: that confining marriage to opposite-sex couples ensures that
children are raised in the "optimal" setting. Protecting the welfare
of children is a paramount State policy. Restricting marriage to
opposite-sex couples, however, cannot plausibly further this policy.
"The demographic changes of the past century make it difficult to
speak of an average American family. The composition of families
varies greatly from household to household." Troxel v. Granville, 530
U.S. 57, 63 (2000). Massachusetts has responded supportively to "the
changing realities of the American family," id. at 64, and has moved
vigorously to strengthen the modern family in its many variations.
See, e.g., G.L. c. 209C (paternity statute); G.L. c. 119, § 39D
(grandparent visitation statute); Blixt v. Blixt, 437 Mass. 649
(2002), cert. denied, 537 U.S. 1189 (2003) (same); E.N.O. v. L.M.M.,
429 Mass. 824, cert. denied, 528 U.S. 1005 (1999) (de facto parent);
Youmans v. Ramos, 429 Mass. 774, 782 (1999) (same); and Adoption of
Tammy, 416 Mass. 205 (1993) (coparent adoption). Moreover, we have
repudiated the common-law power of the State to provide varying levels
of protection to children based on the circumstances of birth. See
G.L. c. 209C (paternity statute); Powers v. Wilkinson, 399 Mass. 650,
661 (1987) ("Ours is an era in which logic and compassion have
impelled the law toward unburdening children from the stigma and the
disadvantages heretofore attendant upon the status of illegitimacy").
The "best interests of the child" standard does not turn on a parent's
sexual orientation or marital status. See e.g., Doe v. Doe, 16
Mass.App.Ct. 499, 503 (1983) (parent's sexual orientation insufficient
ground to deny custody of child in divorce action). See also E.N.O. v.
L.M.M., supra at 829-830 (best interests of child determined by
considering child's relationship with biological and de facto same-sex
parents); Silvia v. Silvia, 9 Mass.App.Ct. 339, 341 & n. 3 (1980)
(collecting support and custody statutes containing no gender
distinction).
The department has offered no evidence that forbidding marriage to
people of the same sex will increase the number of couples choosing to
enter into opposite-sex marriages in order to have and raise children.
There is thus no rational relationship between the marriage statute
and the Commonwealth's proffered goal of protecting the "optimal"
child rearing unit. Moreover, the department readily concedes that
people in same-sex couples may be "excellent" parents. These couples
(including four of the plaintiff couples) have children for the
reasons others do--to love them, to care for them, to nurture them.
But the task of child rearing for same-sex couples is made infinitely
harder by their status as outliers to the marriage laws. While
establishing the parentage of children as soon as possible is crucial
to the safety and welfare of children, see Culliton v. Beth Israel
Deaconness Med. Ctr., 435 Mass. 285, 292 (2001), same-sex couples must
undergo the sometimes lengthy and intrusive process of second-parent
adoption to establish their joint parentage. While the enhanced income
provided by marital benefits is an important source of security and
stability for married couples and their children, those benefits are
denied to families headed by same-sex couples. See, e.g., note 6,
supra. While the laws of divorce provide clear and reasonably
predictable guidelines for child support, child custody, and property
division on dissolution of a marriage, same-sex couples who dissolve
their relationships find themselves and their children in the highly
unpredictable terrain of equity jurisdiction. See E.N.O. v. L.M.M.,
supra. Given the wide range of public benefits reserved only for
married couples, we do not credit the department's contention that the
absence of access to civil marriage amounts to little more than an
inconvenience to same-sex couples and their children. Excluding same-
sex couples from civil marriage will not make children of opposite-sex
marriages more secure, but it does prevent children of same-sex
couples from enjoying the immeasurable advantages that flow from the
assurance of "a stable family structure in which children will be
reared, educated, and socialized." Post at (Cordy, J., dissenting).
[FN26]
No one disputes that the plaintiff couples are families, that many are
parents, and that the children they are raising, like all children,
need and should have the fullest opportunity to grow up in a secure,
protected family unit. Similarly, no one disputes that, under the
rubric of marriage, the State provides a cornucopia of substantial
benefits to married parents and their children. The preferential
treatment of civil marriage reflects the Legislature's conclusion that
marriage "is the foremost setting for the education and socialization
of children" precisely because it "encourages parents to remain
committed to each other and to their children as they grow." Post at
(Cordy, J., dissenting).
In this case, we are confronted with an entire, sizeable class of
parents raising children who have absolutely no access to civil
marriage and its protections because they are forbidden from procuring
a marriage license. It cannot be rational under our laws, and indeed
it is not permitted, to penalize children by depriving them of State
benefits because the State disapproves of their parents' sexual
orientation.
The third rationale advanced by the department is that limiting
marriage to opposite-sex couples furthers the Legislature's interest
in conserving scarce State and private financial resources. The
marriage restriction is rational, it argues, because the General Court
logically could assume that same-sex couples are more financially
independent than married couples and thus less needy of public marital
benefits, such as tax advantages, or private marital benefits, such as
employer-financed health plans that include spouses in their coverage.
An absolute statutory ban on same-sex marriage bears no rational
relationship to the goal of economy. First, the department's
conclusory generalization-- that same-sex couples are less financially
dependent on each other than opposite-sex couples--ignores that many
same-sex couples, such as many of the plaintiffs in this case, have
children and other dependents (here, aged parents) in their care.
[FN27] The department does not contend, nor could it, that these
dependents are less needy or deserving than the dependents of married
couples. Second, Massachusetts marriage laws do not condition receipt
of public and private financial benefits to married individuals on a
demonstration of financial dependence on each other; the benefits are
available to married couples regardless of whether they mingle their
finances or actually depend on each other for support.
The department suggests additional rationales for prohibiting same-sex
couples from marrying, which are developed by some amici. It argues
that broadening civil marriage to include same-sex couples will
trivialize or destroy the institution of marriage as it has
historically been fashioned. Certainly our decision today marks a
significant change in the definition of marriage as it has been
inherited from the common law, and understood by many societies for
centuries. But it does not disturb the fundamental value of marriage
in our society.
Here, the plaintiffs seek only to be married, not to undermine the
institution of civil marriage. They do not want marriage abolished.
They do not attack the binary nature of marriage, the consanguinity
provisions, or any of the other gate-keeping provisions of the
marriage licensing law. Recognizing the right of an individual to
marry a person of the same sex will not diminish the validity or
dignity of opposite-sex marriage, any more than recognizing the right
of an individual to marry a person of a different race devalues the
marriage of a person who marries someone of her own race. [FN28] If
anything, extending civil marriage to same-sex couples reinforces the
importance of marriage to individuals and communities. That same-sex
couples are willing to embrace marriage's solemn obligations of
exclusivity, mutual support, and commitment to one another is a
testament to the enduring place of marriage in our laws and in the
human spirit. [FN29]
It has been argued that, due to the State's strong interest in the
institution of marriage as a stabilizing social structure, only the
Legislature can control and define its boundaries. Accordingly, our
elected representatives legitimately may choose to exclude same-sex
couples from civil marriage in order to assure all citizens of the
Commonwealth that (1) the benefits of our marriage laws are available
explicitly to create and support a family setting that is, in the
Legislature's view, optimal for child rearing, and (2) the State does
not endorse gay and lesbian parenthood as the equivalent of being
raised by one's married biological parents. [FN30] These arguments
miss the point. The Massachusetts Constitution requires that
legislation meet certain criteria and not extend beyond certain
limits. It is the function of courts to determine whether these
criteria are met and whether these limits are exceeded. In most
instances, these limits are defined by whether a rational basis exists
to conclude that legislation will bring about a rational result. The
Legislature in the first instance, and the courts in the last
instance, must ascertain whether such a rational basis exists. To
label the court's role as usurping that of the Legislature, see, e.g.,
post at (Cordy, J., dissenting), is to misunderstand the nature and
purpose of judicial review. We owe great deference to the Legislature
to decide social and policy issues, but it is the traditional and
settled role of courts to decide constitutional issues. [FN31]
The history of constitutional law "is the story of the extension of
constitutional rights and protections to people once ignored or
excluded." United States v. Virginia, 518 U.S. 515, 557 (1996)
(construing equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to
prohibit categorical exclusion of women from public military
institute). This statement is as true in the area of civil marriage as
in any other area of civil rights. See, e.g., Turner v. Safley, 482
U.S. 78 (1987); Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967); Perez v. Sharp,
32 Cal.2d 711 (1948). As a public institution and a right of
fundamental importance, civil marriage is an evolving paradigm. The
common law was exceptionally harsh toward women who became wives: a
woman's legal identity all but evaporated into that of her husband.
See generally C.P. Kindregan, Jr., & M.L. Inker, Family Law and
Practice §§ 1.9 and 1.10 (3d ed.2002). Thus, one early Nineteenth
Century jurist could observe matter of factly that, prior to the
abolition of slavery in Massachusetts, "the condition of a slave
resembled the connection of a wife with her husband, and of infant
children with their father. He is obliged to maintain them, and they
cannot be separated from him." Winchendon v. Hatfield, 4 Mass. 123,
129 (1808). But since at least the middle of the Nineteenth Century,
both the courts and the Legislature have acted to ameliorate the
harshness of the common-law regime. In Bradford v. Worcester, 184
Mass. 557, 562 (1904), we refused to apply the common-law rule that
the wife's legal residence was that of her husband to defeat her claim
to a municipal "settlement of paupers." In Lewis v. Lewis, 370 Mass.
619, 629 (1976), we abrogated the common-law doctrine immunizing a
husband against certain suits because the common-law rule was
predicated on "antediluvian assumptions concerning the role and status
of women in marriage and in society." Id. at 621. Alarms about the
imminent erosion of the "natural" order of marriage were sounded over
the demise of antimiscegenation laws, the expansion of the rights of
married women, and the introduction of "no-fault" divorce. [FN32]
Marriage has survived all of these transformations, and we have no
doubt that marriage will continue to be a vibrant and revered
institution.
We also reject the argument suggested by the department, and
elaborated by some amici, that expanding the institution of civil
marriage in Massachusetts to include same-sex couples will lead to
interstate conflict. We would not presume to dictate how another State
should respond to today's decision. But neither should considerations
of comity prevent us from according Massachusetts residents the full
measure of protection available under the Massachusetts Constitution.
The genius of our Federal system is that each State's Constitution has
vitality specific to its own traditions, and that, subject to the
minimum requirements of the Fourteenth Amendment, each State is free
to address difficult issues of individual liberty in the manner its
own Constitution demands.
Several amici suggest that prohibiting marriage by same-sex couples
reflects community consensus that homosexual conduct is immoral. Yet
Massachusetts has a strong affirmative policy of preventing
discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. See G.L. c. 151B
(employment, housing, credit, services); G.L. c. 265, § 39 (hate
crimes); G.L. c. 272, § 98 (public accommodation); G.L. c. 76, § 5
(public education). See also, e.g., Commonwealth v. Balthazar, 366
Mass. 298 (1974) (decriminalization of private consensual adult
conduct); Doe v. Doe, 16 Mass.App.Ct. 499, 503 (1983) (custody to
homosexual parent not per se prohibited).
The department has had more than ample opportunity to articulate a
constitutionally adequate justification for limiting civil marriage to
opposite-sex unions. It has failed to do so. The department has
offered purported justifications for the civil marriage restriction
that are starkly at odds with the comprehensive network of vigorous,
gender-neutral laws promoting stable families and the best interests
of children. It has failed to identify any relevant characteristic
that would justify shutting the door to civil marriage to a person who
wishes to marry someone of the same sex.
The marriage ban works a deep and scarring hardship on a very real
segment of the community for no rational reason. The absence of any
reasonable relationship between, on the one hand, an absolute
disqualification of same-sex couples who wish to enter into civil
marriage and, on the other, protection of public health, safety, or
general welfare, suggests that the marriage restriction is rooted in
persistent prejudices against persons who are (or who are believed to
be) homosexual. [FN33] "The Constitution cannot control such
prejudices but neither can it tolerate them. Private biases may be
outside the reach of the law, but the law cannot, directly or
indirectly, give them effect." Palmore v. Sidoti, 466 U.S. 429, 433
(1984) (construing Fourteenth Amendment). Limiting the protections,
benefits, and obligations of civil marriage to opposite-sex couples
violates the basic premises of individual liberty and equality under
law protected by the Massachusetts Constitution.
IV
We consider next the plaintiffs' request for relief. We preserve as
much of the statute as may be preserved in the face of the successful
constitutional challenge. See Mayor of Boston v. Treasurer & Receiver
Gen., 384 Mass. 718, 725 (1981); Dalli v. Board of Educ., 358 Mass.
753, 759 (1971). See also G.L. c. 4, § 6, Eleventh.
Here, no one argues that striking down the marriage laws is an
appropriate form of relief. Eliminating civil marriage would be wholly
inconsistent with the Legislature's deep commitment to fostering
stable families and would dismantle a vital organizing principle of
our society. [FN34] We face a problem similar to one that recently
confronted the Court of Appeal for Ontario, the highest court of that
Canadian province, when it considered the constitutionality of the
same-sex marriage ban under Canada's Federal Constitution, the Charter
of Rights and Freedoms (Charter). See Halpern v. Toronto (City), 172
O.A.C. 276 (2003). Canada, like the United States, adopted the common
law of England that civil marriage is "the voluntary union for life of
one man and one woman, to the exclusion of all others." Id. at,
quoting Hyde v. Hyde, [1861-1873] All E.R. 175 (1866). In holding that
the limitation of civil marriage to opposite- sex couples violated the
Charter, the Court of Appeal refined the common-law meaning of
marriage. We concur with this remedy, which is entirely consonant with
established principles of jurisprudence empowering a court to refine a
common-law principle in light of evolving constitutional standards.
See Powers v. Wilkinson, 399 Mass. 650, 661-662 (1987) (reforming the
common-law rule of construction of "issue"); Lewis v. Lewis, 370 Mass.
619, 629 (1976) (abolishing common-law rule of certain interspousal
immunity).
Top
We construe civil marriage to
mean the voluntary union of two persons
as spouses, to the exclusion of all others. This reformulation
redresses the plaintiffs' constitutional injury and furthers the aim
of marriage to promote stable, exclusive relationships. It advances
the two legitimate State interests the department has identified:
providing a stable setting for child rearing and conserving State
resources. It leaves intact the Legislature's broad discretion to
regulate marriage. See Commonwealth v. Stowell, 389 Mass. 171, 175
(1983).
In their complaint the plaintiffs request only a declaration that
their exclusion and the exclusion of other qualified same-sex couples
from access to civil marriage violates Massachusetts law. We declare
that barring an individual from the protections, benefits, and
obligations of civil marriage solely because that person would marry a
person of the same sex violates the Massachusetts Constitution. We
vacate the summary judgment for the department. We remand this case to
the Superior Court for entry of judgment consistent with this opinion.
Entry of judgment shall be stayed for 180 days to permit the
Legislature to take such action as it may deem appropriate in light of
this opinion. See, e.g., Michaud v. Sheriff of Essex County, 390 Mass.
523, 535-536 (1983).
So ordered.
Top
GREANEY, J. (concurring).
I agree with the result reached by the court, the remedy ordered, and
much of the reasoning in the court's opinion. In my view, however, the
case is more directly resolved using traditional equal protection
analysis.
(a) Article 1 of the Declaration of Rights, as amended by art. 106 of
the Amendments to the Massachusetts Constitution, provides:
"All people are born free and equal and have certain natural,
essential and unalienable rights; among which may be reckoned the
right of enjoying and defending their lives and liberties; that of
acquiring, possessing and protecting property; in fine, that of
seeking and obtaining their safety and happiness. Equality under the
law shall not be denied or abridged because of sex, race, color, creed
or national origin."
This provision, even prior to its amendment, guaranteed to all people
in the Commonwealth--equally--the enjoyment of rights that are deemed
important or fundamental. The withholding of relief from the
plaintiffs, who wish to marry, and are otherwise eligible to marry, on
the ground that the couples are of the same gender, constitutes a
categorical restriction of a fundamental right. The restriction
creates a straightforward case of discrimination that disqualifies an
entire group of our citizens and their families from participation in
an institution of paramount legal and social importance. This is
impermissible under art. 1.
Analysis begins with the indisputable premise that the deprivation
suffered by the plaintiffs is no mere legal inconvenience. The right
to marry is not a privilege conferred by the State, but a fundamental
right that is protected against unwarranted State interference. See
Zablocki v. Redhail, 434 U.S. 374, 384 (1978) ("the right to marry is
of fundamental importance for all individuals"); Loving v. Virginia,
388 U.S. 1, 12 (1967) (freedom to marry is "one of the vital personal
rights essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness by free men"
under due process clause of Fourteenth Amendment); Skinner v.
Oklahoma, 316 U.S. 535, 541 (1942) (marriage is one of "basic civil
rights of man"). See also Turner v. Safley, 482 U.S. 78, 95-96 (1987)
(prisoners' right to marry is constitutionally protected). This right
is essentially vitiated if one is denied the right to marry a person
of one's choice. See Zablocki v. Redhail, supra at 384 (all recent
decisions of United States Supreme Court place "the decision to marry
as among the personal decisions protected by the right of privacy").
[FN1]
Because our marriage statutes intend, and state, the ordinary
understanding that marriage under our law consists only of a union
between a man and a woman, they create a statutory classification
based on the sex of the two people who wish to marry. See Baehr v.
Lewin, 74 Haw. 530, 564 (1993) (plurality opinion) (Hawaii marriage
statutes created sex-based classification); Baker v. State, 170 Vt.
194, 253 (1999) (Johnson, J., concurring in part and dissenting in
part) (same). That the classification is sex based is self- evident.
The marriage statutes prohibit some applicants, such as the
plaintiffs, from obtaining a marriage license, and that prohibition is
based solely on the applicants' gender. As a factual matter, an
individual's choice of marital partner is constrained because of his
or her own sex. Stated in particular terms, Hillary Goodridge cannot
marry Julie Goodridge because she (Hillary) is a woman. Likewise, Gary
Chalmers cannot marry Richard Linnell because he (Gary) is a man. Only
their gender prevents Hillary and Gary from marrying their chosen
partners under the present law. [FN2]
A classification may be gender based whether or not the challenged
government action apportions benefits or burdens uniformly along
gender lines. This is so because constitutional protections extend to
individuals and not to categories of people. Thus, when an individual
desires to marry, but cannot marry his or her chosen partner because
of the traditional opposite-sex restriction, a violation of art. 1 has
occurred. See Commonwealth v. Chou, 433 Mass. 229, 237-238 (2001)
(assuming statute enforceable only across gender lines may offend
Massachusetts equal rights amendment). I find it disingenuous, at
best, to suggest that such an individual's right to marry has not been
burdened at all, because he or she remains free to chose another
partner, who is of the opposite sex.
The equal protection infirmity at work here is strikingly similar to
(although, perhaps, more subtle than) the invidious discrimination
perpetuated by Virginia's antimiscegenation laws and unveiled in the
decision of Loving v. Virginia, supra. In its landmark decision
striking down Virginia's ban on marriages between Caucasians and
members of any other race on both equal protection and substantive due
process grounds, the United States Supreme Court soundly rejected the
proposition that the equal application of the ban (i.e., that it
applied equally to whites and blacks) made unnecessary the strict
scrutiny analysis traditionally required of statutes drawing
classifications according to race, see id. at 8-9, and concluded that
"restricting the freedom to marry solely because of racial
classifications violates the central meaning of the Equal Protection
Clause." Id. at 12. That our marriage laws, unlike antimiscegenation
laws, were not enacted purposely to discriminate in no way neutralizes
their present discriminatory character.
With these two propositions established (the infringement on a
fundamental right and a sex-based classification), the enforcement of
the marriage statutes as they are currently understood is forbidden by
our Constitution unless the State can present a compelling purpose
further by the statutes that can be accomplished in no other
reasonable manner. [FN3] See Blixt v. Blixt, 437 Mass. 649, 655-656
(2002), cert. denied, 537 U.S. 1189 (2003); Lowell v. Kowalski, 380
Mass. 663, 667-669 (1980). This the State has not done. The
justifications put forth by the State to sustain the statute's
exclusion of the plaintiffs are insufficient for the reasons explained
by the court to which I add the following observations.
The rights of couples to have children, to adopt, and to be foster
parents, regardless of sexual orientation and marital status, are
firmly established. See E.N.O. v. L.M.M., 429 Mass. 824, 829, cert.
denied, 528 U.S. 1005 (1999); Adoption of Tammy, 416 Mass. 205, 210-
211 (1993). As recognized in the court's opinion, and demonstrated by
the record in this case, however, the State's refusal to accord legal
recognition to unions of same-sex couples has had the effect of
creating a system in which children of same-sex couples are unable to
partake of legal protections and social benefits taken for granted by
children in families whose parents are of the opposite sex. The
continued maintenance of this caste-like system is irreconcilable
with, indeed, totally repugnant to, the State's strong interest in the
welfare of all children and its primary focus, in the context of
family law where children are concerned, on "the best interests of the
child." The issue at stake is not one, as might ordinarily be the
case, that can be unilaterally and totally deferred to the wisdom of
the Legislature. "While the State retains wide latitude to decide the
manner in which it will allocate benefits, it may not use criteria
which discriminatorily burden the exercise of a fundamental right."
Moe v. Secretary of Admin. & Fin., 382 Mass. 629, 652 (1981). Nor can
the State's wish to conserve resources be accomplished by invidious
distinctions between classes of citizens. See Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S.
202, 216-217, 227 (1982). [FN4]
A comment is in order with respect to the insistence of some that
marriage is, as a matter of definition, the legal union of a man and a
woman. To define the institution of marriage by the characteristics of
those to whom it always has been accessible, in order to justify the
exclusion of those to whom it never has been accessible, is conclusory
and bypasses the core question we are asked to decide. [FN5] This case
calls for a higher level of legal analysis. Precisely, the case
requires that we confront ingrained assumptions with respect to
historically accepted roles of men and women within the institution of
marriage and requires that we reexamine these assumptions in light of
the unequivocal language of art. 1, in order to ensure that the
governmental conduct challenged here conforms to the supreme charter
of our Commonwealth. "A written constitution is the fundamental law
for the government of a sovereign State. It is the final statement of
the rights, privileges and obligations of the citizens and the
ultimate grant of the powers and the conclusive definition of the
limitations of the departments of State and of public officers.... To
its provisions the conduct of all governmental affairs must conform.
From its terms there is no appeal." Loring v. Young, 239 Mass. 349,
376-377 (1921). I do not doubt the sincerity of deeply held moral or
religious beliefs that make inconceivable to some the notion that any
change in the common-law definition of what constitutes a legal civil
marriage is now, or ever would be, warranted. But, as matter of
constitutional law, neither the mantra of tradition, nor individual
conviction, can justify the perpetuation of a hierarchy in which
couples of the same sex and their families are deemed less worthy of
social and legal recognition than couples of the opposite sex and
their families. See Lawrence v. Texas, 123 S.Ct. 2472, 2486 (2003)
(O'Connor, J., concurring) (moral disapproval, with no other valid
State interest, cannot justify law that discriminates against groups
of persons); Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v. Casey, 505 U.S.
833, 850 (1992) ( "Our obligation is to define the liberty of all, not
to mandate our own moral code").
(b) I am hopeful that our decision will be accepted by those
thoughtful citizens who believe that same-sex unions should not be
approved by the State. I am not referring here to acceptance in the
sense of grudging acknowledgment of the court's authority to
adjudicate the matter. My hope is more liberating. The plaintiffs are
members of our community, our neighbors, our coworkers, our friends.
As pointed out by the court, their professions include investment
advisor, computer engineer, teacher, therapist, and lawyer. The
plaintiffs volunteer in our schools, worship beside us in our
religious houses, and have children who play with our children, to
mention just a few ordinary daily contacts. We share a common humanity
and participate together in the social contract that is the foundation
of our Commonwealth. Simple principles of decency dictate that we
extend to the plaintiffs, and to their new status, full acceptance,
tolerance, and respect. We should do so because it is the right thing
to do. The union of two people contemplated by G.L. c. 207 "is a
coming together for better or for worse, hopefully enduring, and
intimate to the degree of being sacred. It is an association that
promotes a way of life, not causes; a harmony in living, not political
faiths; a bilateral loyalty, not commercial or social projects. Yet it
is an association for as noble a purpose as any involved in our prior
decisions." Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 486 (1965). Because
of the terms of art. 1, the plaintiffs will no longer be excluded from
that association. [FN6]
Top
SPINA, J. (dissenting, with whom Sosman and Cordy, JJ., join).
What is at stake in this case is not the unequal treatment of
individuals or whether individual rights have been impermissibly
burdened, but the power of the Legislature to effectuate social change
without interference from the courts, pursuant to art. 30 of the
Massachusetts Declaration of Rights. [FN1] The power to regulate
marriage lies with the Legislature, not with the judiciary. See
Commonwealth v. Stowell, 389 Mass. 171, 175 (1983). Today, the court
has transformed its role as protector of individual rights into the
role of creator of rights, and I respectfully dissent.
1. Equal protection. Although the court did not address the
plaintiffs' gender discrimination claim, G.L. c. 207 does not
unconstitutionally discriminate on the basis of gender. [FN2] A claim
of gender discrimination will lie where it is shown that differential
treatment disadvantages one sex over the other. See Attorney Gen. v.
Massachusetts Interscholastic Athletic Ass'n, 378 Mass. 342, 349-352
(1979). See also United States v. Virginia, 518 U.S. 515 (1996).
General Laws c. 207 enumerates certain qualifications for obtaining a
marriage license. It creates no distinction between the sexes, but
applies to men and women in precisely the same way. It does not create
any disadvantage identified with gender as both men and women are
similarly limited to marrying a person of the opposite sex. See
Commonwealth v. King, 374 Mass. 5, 15-22 (1977) (law prohibiting
prostitution not discriminatory based on gender because of equal
application to men and women).
Similarly, the marriage statutes do not discriminate on the basis of
sexual orientation. As the court correctly recognizes, constitutional
protections are extended to individuals, not couples. Ante n. 15. The
marriage statutes do not disqualify individuals on the basis of sexual
orientation from entering into marriage. All individuals, with certain
exceptions not relevant here, are free to marry. Whether an individual
chooses not to marry because of sexual orientation or any other reason
should be of no concern to the court.
The court concludes, however, that G.L. c. 207 unconstitutionally
discriminates against the individual plaintiffs because it denies them
the "right to marry the person of one's choice" where that person is
of the same sex. Ante at. To reach this result the court relies on
Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 12 (1967), and transforms "choice"
into the essential element of the institution of marriage. The Loving
case did not use the word "choice" in this manner, and it did not
point to the result that the court reaches today. In Loving, the
Supreme Court struck down as unconstitutional a statute that
prohibited Caucasians from marrying non-Caucasians. It concluded that
the statute was intended to preserve white supremacy and invidiously
discriminated against non-Caucasians because of their race. See id. at
11-12. The "choice" to which the Supreme Court referred was the
"choice to marry," and it concluded that with respect to the
institution of marriage, the State had no compelling interest in
limiting the choice to marry along racial lines. Id. The Supreme Court
did not imply the existence of a right to marry a person of the same
sex. To the same effect is Perez v. Sharp, 32 Cal.2d 711 (1948), on
which the court also relies.
Unlike the Loving and Sharp cases, the Massachusetts Legislature has
erected no barrier to marriage that intentionally discriminates
against anyone. Within the institution of marriage, [FN3] anyone is
free to marry, with certain exceptions that are not challenged. In the
absence of any discriminatory purpose, the State's marriage statutes
do not violate principles of equal protection. See Washington v.
Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 240 (1976) ( "invidious quality of a law claimed
to be ... discriminatory must ultimately be traced to a ...
discriminatory purpose"); Dickerson v. Attorney Gen., 396 Mass. 740,
743 (1986) (for purpose of equal protection analysis, standard of
review under State and Federal Constitutions is identical). See also
Attorney Gen. v. Massachusetts Interscholastic Athletic Ass'n, supra.
This court should not have invoked even the most deferential standard
of review within equal protection analysis because no individual was
denied access to the institution of marriage.
2. Due process. The marriage statutes do not impermissibly burden a
right protected by our constitutional guarantee of due process
implicit in art. 10 of our Declaration of Rights. There is no
restriction on the right of any plaintiff to enter into marriage. Each
is free to marry a willing person of the opposite sex. Cf. Zablocki v.
Redhail, 434 U.S. 374 (1978) (fundamental right to marry impermissibly
burdened by statute requiring court approval when subject to child
support order).
Substantive due process protects individual rights against unwarranted
government intrusion. See Aime v. Commonwealth, 414 Mass. 667, 673
(1993). The court states, as we have said on many occasions, that the
Massachusetts Declaration of Rights may protect a right in ways that
exceed the protection afforded by the Federal Constitution. Ante at.
See Arizona v. Evans, 514 U.S. 1, 8 (1995) (State courts afforded
broader protection of rights than granted by United States
Constitution). However, today the court does not fashion a remedy that
affords greater protection of a right. Instead, using the rubric of
due process it has redefined marriage.
Although art. 10 may afford greater protection of rights than the due
process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, our treatment of due
process challenges adheres to the same standards followed in Federal
due process analysis. See Commonwealth v. Ellis, 429 Mass. 362, 371
(1999). When analyzing a claim that the State has impermissibly
burdened an individual's fundamental or other right or liberty
interest, "[w]e begin by sketching the contours of the right asserted.
We then inquire whether the challenged restriction burdens that
right." Moe v. Secretary of Admin. & Fin., 382 Mass. 629, 646 (1981).
Where a right deemed "fundamental" is implicated, the challenged
restriction will be upheld only if it is "narrowly tailored to further
a legitimate and compelling governmental interest." Aime v.
Commonwealth, supra at 673. To qualify as "fundamental" the asserted
right must be "objectively, 'deeply rooted in this Nation's history
and tradition,' [Moore v. East Cleveland, 431 U.S. 494, 503 (1977)
(plurality opinion) ] ... and 'implicit in the concept of ordered
liberty,' such that 'neither liberty nor justice would exist if they
were sacrificed.' " Washington v. Glucksberg, 521 U.S. 702, 720-721
(1997), quoting Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319, 325, 326 (1937)
(right to assisted suicide does not fall within fundamental right to
refuse medical treatment because novel and unsupported by tradition)
(citations omitted). See Three Juveniles v. Commonwealth, 390 Mass.
357, 367 (1983) (O'Connor, J., dissenting), cert. denied sub nom.
Keefe v. Massachusetts, 465 U.S. 1068 (1984). Rights that are not
considered fundamental merit due process protection if they have been
irrationally burdened. See Massachusetts Fed'n of Teachers v. Board of
Educ., 436 Mass. 763, 777-779 & n. 14 (2002).
Although this court did not state that same-sex marriage is a
fundamental right worthy of strict scrutiny protection, it nonetheless
deemed it a constitutionally protected right by applying rational
basis review. Before applying any level of constitutional analysis
there must be a recognized right at stake. Same-sex marriage, or the
"right to marry the person of one's choice" as the court today defines
that right, does not fall within the fundamental right to marry. Same-
sex marriage is not "deeply rooted in this Nation's history," and the
court does not suggest that it is. Except for the occasional isolated
decision in recent years, see, e.g., Baker v. State, 170 Vt. 194
(1999), same-sex marriage is not a right, fundamental or otherwise,
recognized in this country. Just one example of the Legislature's
refusal to recognize same-sex marriage can be found in a section of
the legislation amending G.L. c. 151B to prohibit discrimination in
the workplace on the basis of sexual orientation, which states:
"Nothing in this act shall be construed so as to legitimize or
validate a 'homosexual marriage'...." St.1989, c. 516, § 19. In this
Commonwealth and in this country, the roots of the institution of
marriage are deeply set in history as a civil union between a single
man and a single woman. There is no basis for the court to recognize
same-sex marriage as a constitutionally protected right.
3. Remedy. The remedy that the court has fashioned both in the name of
equal protection and due process exceeds the bounds of judicial
restraint mandated by art. 30. The remedy that construes gender
specific language as gender neutral amounts to a statutory revision
that replaces the intent of the Legislature with that of the court.
Article 30 permits the court to apply principles of equal protection
and to modify statutory language only if legislative intent is
preserved. See, e.g., Commonwealth v. Chou, 433 Mass. 229, 238-239
(2001) (judicial rewriting of gender language permissible only when
Legislature intended to include both men and women). See also Lowell
v. Kowalski, 380 Mass. 663, 670 (1980). Here, the alteration of the
gender- specific language alters precisely what the Legislature
unambiguously intended to preserve, the marital rights of single men
and women. Such a dramatic change in social institutions must remain
at the behest of the people through the democratic process.
Where the application of equal protection principles do not permit
rewriting a statute in a manner that preserves the intent of the
Legislature, we do not rewrite the statute. In Dalli v. Board of
Educ., 358 Mass. 753 (1971), the court refused to rewrite a statute in
a manner that would include unintended individuals. "To attempt to
interpret this [statute] as including those in the category of the
plaintiff would be to engage in a judicial enlargement of the clear
statutory language beyond the limit of our judicial function. We have
traditionally and consistently declined to trespass on legislative
territory in deference to the time tested wisdom of the separation of
powers as expressed in art. [30] of the Declaration of Rights of the
Constitution of Massachusetts even when it appeared that a highly
desirable and